Day 3: Tuesday, December 15, 2015

 In war, we join hands with friends to fight against enemies

In peace, we join hands with friends to talk with friends

Anonymous

Yesterday’s UPDJC session found the NLD siding with the military’s call for a bloc separate from the soon-to-be NLD-dominated government and parliament, against its own former demand for a tripartite arrangement, which would have appeared as follows:

• Government, Parliament and the Tatmadaw together forming a bloc
• The eight EAOs forming another group
• The political parties in yet another bloc

One EAO representative is still teeming with what he regards as its backtracking.

“I recall the agreement made between the ruling party AFPFL (Anti-Fascist  People’s Freedom League) and the SPFL (Shan State People’s Freedom League) before Independence,” he said at the meeting. “It was that the two would work together to overthrow feudalism in Shan State. However, the AFPFL government went back on its own pledge, and instead joined hands with the Shan State’s ruling princes to suppress the SPFL. I hope we won’t have to worry about the NLD and the military working together to crush the EAOs.”

What in heaven? I ask myself.  On the one hand, the military thinks the eight EAOs are working with the NLD against it. But on the other hand, the eight EAOs think it’s the other way round.

The EAOs then present their counter proposal on the composition:

Government                   75                representatives

Parliament                     75                representatives

Military                          150              representatives

EAOs                              150              representatives

Political parties             150              representatives

The military representatives are quick to object it. “It won’t look good for the military to have more representatives than either the government or the parliament,” one says.

I won’t go into details, but by lunch break the two sides are at loggerheads over the question. It looks like the Union Peace Conference (UPC) in January—while so near—is still out of reach.

At 13:00, when the meeting resumes, U Nyan Win, the NLD’s chief delegate, requests that he be allowed to speak first. The emcee responds he goes ahead. He then breaks the suspense by saying, “In order that the peace process may proceed smoothly, the NLD has decided to withdraw its opposition to the EAOs’ proposal. On the contrary, I wish to announce that it is accepted.”

The rest of the day is like a walk in the park after this.  Two more significant resolutions are passed:

16 December 2015         JICM in the morning to approve the FPD. Formal presentation of the FPD to the                                                president in the afternoon

17 December 2015                   The UPDJC meets again to plan for the UPC

The EAOs then meet again in the evening to review the day’s work. Some are worried that the Tripartite Dialogue design, which the UN has adopted since 1994, is going down the drain and with it the non-Burmans’ chance of winning their full rights. However, others say three-way or five-way, not to lose sight of the goal for federal democracy.

But Tripartite Dialogue and Federal Democracy both have long been deemed interrelated.

Are they?

Or are they not?

By SAI KHUENSAI / Director of Pyidaungsu Institute and Founder of Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)

All views expressed are the author’s own.