Very recently, an editorial talk aired by SHAN News lashed out at the Tai youth for not having enough incentive and push in trying to muscle its influence in today’s Shan political landscape.
Editor in Chief Sai Merng in his recent talk in SHAN News on June 30 said: “What are Shan youth doing? They should seriously reconsider themselves. Issuing statement only one month after the meeting shouldn’t happen. This is really very late and don’t cater to the traditional character and stature of the youth.”
“In trying to achieve needs and aspiration goals, the youth needs to be like benzine, aviation fuel, which the Thai termed as “Phyai Reng” or full of energetic fire. That’s why all have the responsibility and not just the two Shan armies. The Shan public, Shan youth all also have responsibility. I’m saying this from the newsman point of view based on hundreds and thousands of comments we received each day. It isn’t a personal, individual point of view,” he added assertively.
It is understandable that he is frustrated with the situation but the Shan youth may also have their own reasons. Let’s look at what are the positions of the Shan or Tai youth (also spelled Dai youth).
According to the Tai youth 7-point summarized statement issued on June 6, 2024:
- Twenty Dai youth groups met from 13 to 15 May in Thai-Myanmar border.
- The conference aimed at trust-building, networking, among Shan/Dai youth, addressing current social and political climate.
- During the three-day conference updating activities of the community-based organizations (CBOs), including their social, political expectations and submitting policy recommendation requests.
- Political parties, armed revolutionary forces, CBOs/civil society organizations (CSOs), social and educational sectors were invited to air their positions, future expectations and policy inputs.
- Main topics discussed are: political, revolutionary sector; unity among Shan/Dai including those living outside Shan State; coexistence with all ethnic groups within the union; environment and natural resources issue; human rights and women’s right issues.
- Three decisions taken in Dai Youth Conference are: to foster understanding, trust-building and future cooperation among diverse Dai youth groups nationwide; to create space or platform for ongoing collaborative activities; and to form a working group to address the above mentioned topics.
- A group of representatives (to be formed) will adhere to the following principles: federal democracy; anti-authoritarianism; restoration of federal land system; promoting unity among Shan/Dai community; developing national education system; promoting human rights, protecting natural resources, and enhance local rights.
Present Shan State political landscape
Without doubt, Shan State political landscape is determined by the ever expanding war theater. In other words, the scope of war is widening, while the political space is shrinking where peaceful negotiation and consensus-building have no place at all, so to speak.
The second round of Operation 1027 has been launched on June 25, by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Kokang or Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), with the help Mandalay and Mogok People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), including ethnic Danu resistance force. But the Bamar People Liberation Army (BPLA) and Burma National Revolutionary Army (BNRA) haven’t joined in yet, like the first round of Operation 1027.
Reportedly, so far at least two towns in northern Shan State and over 25 junta’s outposts have fallen, including battalion headquarters and police stations, in Nawnghkio and Kyaukme townships in northern Shan State and Madaya and Mogok townships in northern Mandalay Region. The MNDAA is said to be joining the fight against the junta in Nawnghkio, according to The Irrawaddy report of 28 June.
As of June 28, SHAN News reported that 30 deaths including citizens and soldiers in Kyaukme city within 4 days were registered. It was reported that there were 8 civilian casualties in a single day due to the military council’s air bomb attack on Kyaukme city of Shan State.
On June 30 night, the junta drop bombs at Kyaukme town and destroyed a hotel and some 20 houses wounding civilians. It was said that the TNLA troops were also quartering in the vicinity. However, no casualty figure have been reported, so far.
In northern Shan State there have been constant conflict and tension between the TNLA, MNDAA, Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), which are 7-party Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) political alliance members over territorial demarcation disputes, that sometimes erupted into armed conflicts.
SSPP had two major clashes with the MNDAA and several small ones with the TNLA. The TNLA and MNDAA were also at odds many times on territorial disputes, while TNLA and KIA have also been at loggerheads many a time, which were the order of the day during the last six months.
United Wa State Army (UWSA) which headed the FPNCC was said to have moved in some 6,000 troops to the west of Salween River since a month ago, according to the news and unconfirmed reports. Its soldiers are said to be donning TNLA and SSPP uniforms and aiding them for mutual benefit. TNLA is now launching offensive in Nwangkhio and Mogok, while Mandalay, Mogok PDFs and other local resistance groups may be aiming to move down to the plain and eventually attack Mandalay, according to the keen observers.
The role of the Tai youth
It isn’t an easy thing for the Tai youth to assert itself in such a convoluted political arena in Shan State. The two Shan armies RCSS and SSPP are not taking part in the civil war. The RCSS leadership still clings to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) of 2015 and peaceful negotiation with the junta. SSPP, more or less, still stick to its union-level ceasefire signed with the junta years ago.
The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) isn’t in the position to do anything, due to it unofficial status to exist as a political party because it didn’t re-registered again as a political party according to the ruling junta’s prescription. Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) headed by Sai Ai Pao is a non-starter for the Tai youth as it is considered too cosy to the junta.
The Tai youth wants to fight and join the revolution fray and protect the Shan people from other armed groups within Shan State, but the two Shan armies have been fighting only against each other and not the common enemy, the military junta, and those riding roughshod over the Shan people. Thus the youths are at lost and don’t want to join either of the army, as they don’t want to fight against their own kinship. Some even joined the PDFs in southern Shan State out of frustration and fight along side the local resistance groups against the junta.
Perspectives
Given such circumstances, the Tai youth can’t do much either in armed struggle or political movement, unless it creates one for itself. In this aspect, the Karenni youth may be a good example.
But it won’t be an easy thing to take the example of the Karenni youth that has spearheaded to form Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) and even become a leading force to strive for unity among different factions within the Karenni State. It can even be said that it has tactfully coerced the battle-hardened, decades-old, Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) to take up a radical stance of actively fighting the military junta. The result is a formation of the Karenni State Interim Executive Council (Karenni IEC) which is a provisional government established for the Karenni people.
The Tai youth should decide what they want to do together next, or better, work out a “diverse actions, common goals,” like the late Chao Tzang Yawnghwe told us. In other words, form your own organization, join the already existing organizations and try to reform from within, or try both of them.
